Why bin Salman restructured the Saudi religious authority?

Saudi King Salman bin Abdulaziz, a few days ago, reconstituted the Council of Senior Scholars, the Shura Council and the President of the Supreme Court, by issuing several accelerated royal orders, which raised questions about the meaning of these controversial decisions, as a result of the people who were chosen, and the political background of what is happening.
The commission includes twenty members, to whom is added its head, the Mufti of the Kingdom, Sheikh Abdul Aziz Al Al-Sheikh, while 15 members have maintained their positions in the Commission, among them famous names in the Kingdom, such as Saleh Al-Fawzan and Abdul-Manea, and the names of the most remarkable of them have been joined by Sheikh Saud bin Abdul Allah bin Mubarak Al-Mujib, the Kingdom’s Attorney General, who handled sensitive political cases, including the case of the assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
Of course, no one expects that the head of the commission or its members will deviate from positions that contradict the positions of the political authority, but what is required, it seems, is more than issuing fatwas urging the obedience of the guardian, but the issues currently differ from the previous ones, as the body that was established in 1971 to express Religious advice to state officials, and the recommendation for general provisions by which rulers would be restored, apparently need to be re-established, and although the commission is required to give religious legitimacy to policies, the relationships and the balance of power differed from the status of the legitimate partner to the level Others, not necessarily inferior, but their functions differ.
The family of the Mufti, Al-Sheikh, as indicated by the situation of Turki Al-Sheikh, advisor to Prince Muhammad bin Salman, its duties expanded from jurisprudence to security, sports and entertainment, and the last example also helps explain the accession of Saud al-Mujib, coming from the Public Prosecution and the thorny political and security issues.
If we put on the list of politically required tasks to move away from engaging in the defense of controversial direct policies, and if it seems strange to the head of the commission in 2017 that Saudi Arabia’s blockade of Qatar is “an interest for Muslims and a benefit for the future of Qataris themselves” then what can be said about the establishment of a member of the commission, such as Sheikh Mohammed Al-Issa, the Secretary-General of the Muslim World League, who led the process of normalization with the Israelis, by participating in dialogues with “Jewish religious leaders” and pledging, in a conference organized by the American Jewish Committee on issues of “combating anti-Semitism,” the kingdom’s commitment to the agenda of “dialogue with the Jewish community.”
Al-Issa’s interpretations of some Quranic verses impressed Avichai Adrai, the spokesman for the Israeli army, and he was praised by Israeli authorities after he performed funeral prayers for the victims of the Holocaust.
As for the entry of Saud al-Mujib, to the Council of Senior Scholars, it can be considered symmetric with the rise of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman himself, as his appointment as Deputy General, for the first time in the Kingdom, coincided with the appointment of bin Salman as Crown Prince, and thus he was overseeing the codification and legislation of the major arrest campaigns that It took place after that, and this qualified him to receive the file of the mysterious “accused” of Khashoggi’s assassination, as well as to confirm the death sentence against the Saudi preacher Salman al-Awda.
The “revised” Saudi Council of Senior Scholars will not be satisfied with performing mechanics that deny and analyze what the authority wants, but will have a proactive role in the internal and external machine of repression, and in theorizing relations with Israel.