Wholesale obstacles to Hariri: The movement rejects an independent government with...

Al-Akhbar writes: “Former Prime Minister Saad Hariri floated himself, trying his luck again, as perhaps his endeavors reached happy ends. The obstacles facing him are many: The first is that Hezbollah and the Amal movement will not give him unless they give it to Mustafa Adeeb. Second, the Lebanese Forces and the Free Patriotic Movement refused to name it, and the third was the Saudi veto. Will he jump this time over the reason that prompted him to step down, which is the “charter”, and ignore Riyadh’s position under the impetus of the French initiative?

Hariri’s announcement that he is the natural candidate for prime minister, after he had been keen in recent months to deny his candidacy and to issue statements in this regard, suggests that the last obstacles that prevented his access to the Grand Serail have disappeared. However, the reality of things does not indicate this change, except that the main paradox lies in Hariri’s jump over the Saudi veto similar to the unannounced one that Riyadh put in place prior to the presidential settlement in 2016. And also his decision to ignore American conditions not to represent Hezbollah in the next government, which he expressed. During his interview the day before yesterday, with his tacit agreement to the condition of the Amal Movement and Hezbollah that the finance portfolio be assigned to a minister they named. With Mustafa Adeeb’s apology for not forming the government, Hariri, who was hungry to return to the Serail, decided to try his luck again, under the impulse of the French initiative, even if the outlines of the government he wanted were similar to those that Adeeb stuck to and led to his return as ambassador to Berlin. Hizbullah and the Amal movement, according to March 8 sources, insist on naming the ministers of the Shiite community, and therefore every talk about a government of specialists, technocrats or independents headed by Hariri will not prevent the parliamentary blocs from naming their ministers. The foregoing constitutes one obstacle, but the obstacles of the head of the Future bloc are many and have not changed.

While the Socialist Party has no problem with Sir Hariri, there is a categorical refusal of the Lebanese Forces Party to name it, regardless of the form of its government. The bad course of the forces’ relationship and the future is more difficult to repair, and it has taken a personal turn. Therefore, Maarab today demands “the formation of a government completely independent of all political forces without exception.” There is a third obstacle that is represented by the Free Patriotic Movement’s rejection of a government that “is said to be independent and includes specialists, but its head is the head of one of the political blocs, whose name is Saad Hariri.”

In addition, the head of the movement’s experience with Hariri is not encouraging, and Bassil “insists on agreeing on the government’s program prior to its formation.” Failure to name the two main Christian parties for the former prime minister will return him to square one prior to the appointment of Adib and Diab. At that time, Hariri withdrew his name from circulation as a result of the forces’ veto – Al-Aouni, which prevents, according to the existing sectarian quotas, from obtaining the “charter” mark. So what has changed at last to re-market itself as a normal candidate under the same circumstances? Or did he choose to overcome the obstacle of these two parties and cover his representation with the voices of the Marada Movement and some independents, choosing to burn all the candidates, even those who named him himself? Questions whose answers are supposed to become clear early next week, as Hariri begins his round of negotiations to test his chances of returning to the Serail.

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