Everything that has been rumored about the formation of the government so far does not refer to anything different from the image of Prime Minister Hassan Diab’s government, except for its head. Like the predecessor, the successor is engaged in a slow, gradual game of concessions, after he is certain that the high-ceiling conditions he set for his approval to head the government are suitable for assignment, not for composition: from a government of 14 ministers to a government of 20 if not more, from specialized ministers only to specialized ministers They are vaccinated by politicians or are motivated by politicians, from a comprehensive rotation to a rotation that notes exceptions, from the insistence that the designated president alone has the competence to nominate ministers to his handing over that this is entrusted to the blocs. What now has the features of after the assignment, the closest thing to a mixture between what Diab refused before forming his government and then reluctantly accepted it, and what was stipulated after it by the president-designate, Mustafa Adeeb, and then apologized for it. And the cleverness that he suggests was that Hariri was able to return to the Saraya for the fourth time, that it is now not his own creation, but of someone else’s making.
This savvy lies in a few factors:
First, he has more credit with the Shiite duo than his opponents and supporters alike expected. The two have not, since at least 2005, a Sunni leader the way he did with Hariri over and over, despite disappointments. It has been tested for a long time since after the Doha Agreement, that it is the only party capable of preventing Sunni-Shiite sedition, as much as it can fabricate it. He had previously made it before reaching the events of May 7, 2008, and has not since attempted again. Since Hariri’s arrival as prime minister in 2009, he has only caused a crisis with the Shiite duo, and Hezbollah in particular, only twice: first in December 2010 because of the International Tribunal and false witnesses that led to the overthrow of his government by one-third + 1, and again in November 2017 when it was forced Riyadh Al-Hariri violently attacked Hezbollah, condemned it, and then resigned. Therefore, Hariri’s presence in the Shiite duo’s Saraya is seldom worried, who has also realized – whenever they separate – that the attempt to compensate him will falter, as happened with the government of Prime Minister Najib Mikati in 2011 and the Diab government in 2020, both of which are exceptions in the bilateral relationship with the head of the Future Movement, who in turn did not cut the lines of dialogue with the party. God.
From that, the firm belief that the true Sunni ally of the Shiite pair is Hariri alone, regardless of the other Sunni figures sitting on its banks. The duo never wanted the two, who were holding the game of political and military balance in the street and power, gave any of their allies the opportunity to affirm a new Sunni successor to Hariri or act as if it were his rival.
Second, the role that the Speaker played to facilitate Hariri’s return to prime minister, starting from the pre-assignment phase, was not hidden in order to obtain a decent number of votes. It is also not hidden that Berri was the de facto father of the overthrow of Diab’s government when he called it to appear before Parliament. On the other hand, Hariri – who wanted to return to the Saraya at any price – realized that there was no way to it before concluding his understanding with the Shiite duo on his ministerial share as a main condition for leaning on him. What he refused to give to the couple during Adeeb’s assignment, then partially lenient on him with the money bag, then devolved to his request from Adeeb to step down after he declared that what the prime minister-designate apologized to give to the Shiite duo was easy for Hariri to do. Therefore, since before his assignment, everyone made sure that the duo had already acquired their share in a government that he had not yet insisted on forming. This meant keeping the money bag in his custody, as he alone would name his ministers. ”Read the full article Press here.
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